Labor eclipses Joh Bjelke-Petersen

The most corrupt and right wing of governments in Australia's history, that of Joh Bjelke-Petersen, has been eclipsed by Labor's cynical suppression of protest at every level of government.

For those not familiar with his 29 yearlong rule, the era of Joh Bjelke-Petersen (1968–1987) as Premier of Queensland is frequently characterised as a period of hard-line conservatism and authoritarianism, earning him the nickname the "Hillbilly Dictator." His rule was marked by a distinct "law and order" approach that prioritised state authority and economic development over civil liberties.

The suppression of protest was a central pillar of his governance, manifesting through several key events and legislative changes. During the 1971 South African Springbok rugby tour, he declared a month-long State of Emergency to manage anti-apartheid demonstrations. This gave police "carte blanche" authority, including unlimited powers of arrest without warrants. Significant violence occurred outside the Tower Mill Hotel in Brisbane, where police used force against protesters, including students and unionists.

In September 1977, Bjelke-Petersen famously declared, "The day of political street march is over... Don't bother applying for a permit. You won't get one." The government amended the Traffic Act to abolish the right to appeal to a magistrate if a march permit was refused. This made the Police Commissioner the sole and final arbitrator of who could demonstrate. Between 1977 and 1979, the ban led to approximately 2,000 arrests as activists, including the Campaign Against Nuclear Power and student groups, defied the policy to reclaim the right to protest. Police often used "all-out confrontation" and "selective arrest" tactics. Reports also indicate the use of provocateurs to incite violence as a pretext for arrests.

What was once an outlier is now bipartisan and routine.

Labor across the board, from Malinauskas to Minns to Albanese, have passed legislation that would make Joh blanch. The Summary Offences (Obstruction of Public Places) Amendment Act 2023 was introduced and passed through the lower house in just 22 minutes by Malinauskas, with a maximum fine for "intentionally obstructing the free passage of a public place" was increased from $750 to $50,000 - a more than 6,000% jump. For the first time, this offense now carries a potential prison sentence of up to three months.

Protesters can now be held liable for the costs of emergency services (police, ambulance, etc.) called to "deal with" the obstruction.

But if Malinauskas was hell bent on emulating Joh, Minns has easily surpassed him.

In New South Wales, Premier Chris Minns has overseen a significant expansion of anti-protest measures, often described by legal experts and civil liberties groups as some of the most restrictive in modern Australian history. While some of these laws were initially introduced by the previous Coalition government, Minns has not only maintained them but has recently added sweeping new "emergency" powers.

Following the terrorist attack at Bondi Beach in December 2025, the Minns government recalled Parliament on Christmas Eve to pass the Terrorism and Other Legislation Amendment Act 2025. This is currently the most controversial element of his "law and order" agenda. The Police Commissioner, with ministerial approval, can declare specific areas as restricted for 14-day periods (renewable up to 90 days). In these declared areas, no public assembly can be "authorised." This removes the usual legal protections (the "Form 1" system) that prevent protesters from being arrested for obstructing traffic.

Crucially, the legislation prevents the Supreme Court from overriding these police declarations, effectively bypassing judicial oversight. As of early 2026, large parts of Greater Sydney have been under these declarations, impacting everything from pro-Palestine rallies to Invasion Day/Survival Day protests.

In early 2025, Minns introduced laws specifically targeting protests near religious sites. Police were given expanded powers to move on anyone "harassing, blocking, or intimidating" people near a place of worship. The NSW Supreme Court initially struck down a version of these powers as unconstitutional (interfering with the implied freedom of political communication). However, the Minns government re-introduced a "narrower" version in late 2025 to bypass the court's ruling.

Minns has continued to enforce the 2022 anti-protest laws (originally passed by the Perrottet government with Labor’s support). Protesting on major roads, bridges, tunnels, or near "critical infrastructure" (like ports) carries a penalty of up to two years in prison and a $22,000 fine. Civil liberties groups argue these laws have effectively ended "disruptive" climate activism in NSW, as even minor road obstructions now carry significant jail time.

Beyond physical protests, the Minns government has moved to regulate the content of speech. The government is currently reviewing laws to ban specific chants and slogans, such as "Globalise the Intifada," framing them as incitement to violence.

While Bjelke-Petersen used the Traffic Act to ban marches, Minns is using Counter-Terrorism frameworks to achieve similar ends. A coalition of groups, including the Palestine Action Group and the Blak Caucus, has launched a High Court challenge against the 2025 laws, arguing they violate the Australian Constitution.

Finally, federal Labor has introduced a law that promises to open up the determination of 'hate groups' to ASIO and the Minister. The supposed hate group need not commit any offence under any jurisdiction. This law paves the way for future governments simply to shut down protest from groups that oppose their policy. Of course, Labor defends the law by asserting that there are ‘checks’. But history tells us that Prime Ministers can swing all sorts of tricks entirely within ‘normal’ government. Morrison’s take-over of multiple portfolios in government demonstrates how vulnerable our democracy is to perversion.

But the most egregious element of Labor's repression of proper protest against atrocities is the manipulation of the Senate to suppress any expression of disagreement with its policy or actions. In the Senate, Senator David Shoebridge was preventing even raising a matter for discussion. He attempted to bring to the Senate discussion on the alarming prospect that the Israeli President, who should rightly be arrested for incitement to genocide, will be invited to Australia.

One simply cannot imagine how the presence of Herzog in Australia will assist the Jewish community to heal from the Bondi Attack. But it will deeply divide Australia. It is political theatre - a sop to Zionist extremism, which counts the death of a "terrorist" to be a great thing, even if that supposed terrorist is a baby.

Labor knows that the Greens will not cave to pressure to soften their opposition to genocide. Nor should they. But Labor, in the kind of exceptional cynicism that was a key element of Joh's rule, has decided that muting the Greens will reduce opposition to their policies and make Labor appear 'moderate’. They aim to persuade the fictional 'sensible centre' that the Greens are extreme, without the wherewithal for the Greens to use the legitimate platform of parliament to debate issues.

Once those who we have elected are shut down by governments to avoid accountability, democracy has perished. We are really in “unchartered waters” when the party of Gough Whitlam eclipses Joh Bjelke-Petersen in repressive policy.